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The satellite reforms in 1991 brought in significant changes in television news media. Before this, television was considered a powerful pedagogic tool for social and economic development. However, the economic reforms of 1991 changed it from a pedagogic tool to a symbol of free-market policy. Like other sectors, the government lifted its control in the broadcasting sector. Government relaxation paved the way for private and foreign participation in the broadcasting sphere (Mehta: 2008; Page and Crawley: 2001). Private participation paved the way for the entry of a market-based model of the news business. The entry of a market-based model has brought about significant transformation in the television media business. Here, I specifically look at three key factors: ownership structure, revenue model and technological convergence, which have redefined the functioning of the television news industry in India. These key factors act in cohesion to influence media production, representation and consumption.
1. The Ownership Structure
A market-based revenue model influences the ownership structure of media networks. Private entities with huge political and monetary clout tend to enter into the media business. Within the Indian context, it has been observed that a large number of news channels, especially in the vernacular segment, are owned by political parties, corporate houses and real estate entities. A news channel has more geographical reach at a minimal cost.
This makes it an attractive option for political parties to invest in news channels and use them for political gains. A few instances are Kalaignar TV owned by M. Karunanidhi’s family, Jaya Plus owned by All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), Kiarali TV owned Communist Party of India –Marxist (CPI (M)), Indian National Congress owns jai Hindi, Asianet and Asianet Plus owned by Rajeev Chandrasekhar, OTV owned by Baijayant Panda, National Vice President, Bharatiya Janta Party, Kanak TV owned by Soumya Ranjan Patnaik, Rajya Sabha MP, Biju Janata Dal (BJD), Kalinga TV owned by Achyut Samanta, Rajya Sabha MP, BJD (Mohanty: 2019; The News Minute: 2014).
There is also the presence of corporate ownership of media networks. For instance, Network 18 is owned by Reliance Corp. that has a stake in petrochemicals, retail, manufacturing, communication. Likewise, the Dainik Bhaskar Group is involved in power generation. Such business linkages tend to have their impact on the editorial operations of the media house. It has also been observed that along with political parties, real estate owner and chit fund company owners are also increasingly getting into the media business. Private players with dubious backgrounds have entered the television news space by taking advantage of the loopholes in the existing media regulations.
The three primary reasons for investment in media by such players are: political propaganda, routing black money and influencing policy formulation. A report by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) identified that the take-over of media space by ‘non-media corporate’ was undertaken to alter the business environment to their advantage. The report said, although “backward” or “forward” linkages to their existing businesses could be a reason, “but in most cases, as journalists and media experts point out, the intent of owning the news media goes far beyond returns on investment, given that the media itself complains about the financial difficulties they face”.
“Arguably, it is the easiest and quickest path to reach a position of power” (TRAI: 2009). Such ownership pattern has transformed news media from a public service entity to a private profit-seeking venture. Along with the monetary considerations, such ownership prevents the rise of alternative media voices. This monopolisation by powerful and influential players makes the industry undemocratic and discriminatory.
2.The Revenue Model
The next question is, what is the revenue model of such media networks? Television news media survives on revenue generated from the market. They do not generate revenue from licensing fees. Their revenue from subscription charges is also minimal. But they incur huge operational and distributional costs. Under such circumstances, revenue generation is targeted by selling advertising space to public and private entities.
Similarly, advertisers were drawn to television due to its geographical reach. Television has provided advertisers with a platform to showcase their products to millions of potential consumers across the country. So, advertisers flock to those channels which promise the highest viewership numbers, and who in turn, can consume their products and ideas. Here rises a pertinent question: what do news channels do to attract advertisers?
To outbid their competitors and acquire more advertisers, channels have made innovative strategies in their content policies with an eye on the rating meter. A new infotainment-based content policy (Thussu: 2007) has become the norm. This content policy heavily relies on Bollywood news, cricket news, metropolitan news, sensationalism, and crime news to propagate the free-market agenda. The growing airtime given to news about the corporate world reflects the growing privatisation of media and its dependence on the market for survival. This has come at the cost of the relegation of news stories on poverty, health, education, employment, environment etc. Media no longer addresses the needs of its citizens but its consumers, who mostly belong to the upper and middle-class strata. This has come at the cost of marginalising the issues that concern the county’s lower class and rural populace (Batabyal: 2012; Saeed: 2013).
3. Media Convergence
Communication technologies are playing a major role in media convergence. Media convergence is a system where older mediums (print and broadcast) sync with newer mediums (digital) to reorient the production, representation and consumption of news. Players like digital news websites, mojo (mobile journalism), and social media platforms are making a significant foray into the functioning of television news media. Digital news websites are the news players in the media business. Armed with cutting-edge technology, a subscription-based revenue model, and the spread of the internet, these ventures are giving strong competition to mainstream/legacy media. These websites also cater to readers/viewers who have divergent ideas, values and beliefs.
To counter these outlets, news channels also have re-strategised their online forums. Every news channel has its website, which is synchronised with its television programming. Mobile journalism is reinventing the way news is gathered. The replacement of cameras with mobile phones has brought down reportage costs by shunting out cameraman and photographers. It has also led to the fast transfer of news from the field to the studio. Social media has become both a source and agency of information flow. Platforms like Twitter, YouTube, Instagram, blogs, etc., are increasingly making their way into news programming. Tweets, videos and blogs are becoming content for primetime programming. Similar news stories are also circulated on such platforms to reach larger audiences at lower costs. The overflow of information has also become a menace due to the onslaught of fake news and misinformation. It is widely used to target dissenting journalists and other individuals and communities who demand accountability from political and social elites (Devi: 2020).
The trends described above provide a glimpse to understand the structuring and functioning of the television news industry in contemporary India. The lopsided ownership structure has created a monopoly where the voices and interests of the powerful elites prevail. These interests are legitimised through curating content that furthers their ideas and opinions. Technological advancement has brought in new systems and practices of journalistic enquiry. But it has also compromised the safety and security of journalists and media professionals. Thus, any understanding of television news media has to take cognisance of these critical transformations, which have become a hallmark of the media industry in contemporary India.
References:
- Batabyal, Somnath (2012). Making News in India: Star News and Star Ananda. New Delhi: Routledge.
- Devi, Sudeshna (2020). ‘Media Discourse in Contemporary India: A Study of Select News Channels’, Unpublished PhD Thesis, Centre for the Study of Social Systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
- Mehta, Nalin (2008). India on Television: How Satellite Channels Have Changed the Way We Think and Act. New Delhi: Harper Collins.
- Mohanty, Debi (2019), https://www.firstpost.com/india/in-odisha-politically-owned-media-houses-sing-to-tunes-of-patron-parties-as-objectivity-takes-backseat-in-poll-discourse-6396791.html/amp?__twitter_impression=true, accessed on 7thApril 2019.
- The News Minute (2014). ‘All You Wanted To Know About Who Owns News Channels’, The News Minute, Available at https://www.thenewsminute.com/article/all-you-wanted-know-about-who-owns-tamil-news-channels-17974, accessed 23rd February 2018.
- Page, David and Crawley, David (2001). Satellites Over South Asia: Broadcasting, Culture and Public Interest. New Delhi: Sage Publications.
- Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (2009). Consultation Paper on Issues Relating to Media Ownership. Available at https://www.trai.gov.in/sites/default/files/recom25feb09_media.pdf, accessed on 21st May 2017.
- Saeed, Saima (2013). Screening the Public Sphere: Media and Democracy in India. New Delhi: Routledge.
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Dr. Sudeshna Devi is an independent researcher based in Noida. She received her PhD in Sociology from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. Her research interests include media history, newsrooms, representations, public opinion and new media.