Many Dalit autobiographies recount the discrimination, oppression, and struggle to access and complete education in a graded inequality-based Hindu social order. They have given voice to the concerns and issues of Dalits. Kumar (2011:150) aptly argues that Dalit autobiographies bring forth the ongoing struggle between the “‘loss of identity and ‘asserting of self’…[A] form of resistance against various forms of oppression”.
An important chapter is added to this ongoing struggle of Dalits for social justice and equality by sociologist Govardhan Wankhede. In his autobiography, My Life: The journey of a Dalit Sociologist (published by Aakar Books in 2020), Govardhan Wankhede interweaves the private and public ‘self.’ Written in a critical-reflective manner, the author addresses the intersectionality between caste, gender, culture, and prestige in academia, exposing the working of the education system and hidden curriculum, especially at the level of higher education. The book is divided into seven chapters, each reflecting upon his journey from a young student to a sociologist that began from a small village in Maharashtra across the higher pedestals of knowledge in the metropolitan cities of India and abroad. As a student and later as a teacher, Wankhede has drawn upon his experiences and critically reflected on the symbolic violence inflicted on Dalits in higher education capturing their dilemmas, and humiliation in everyday life. One has to read between the lines to understand the hypocrisy and rigidness of education institutions to accommodate first-generation Dalits who reach the doors of higher education due to the constitutional mandate of the positive discrimination policies. The author reflects how the Caste Hindu gaze of ‘merit’ constantly questions him about his ability to speak English fluently and embody ‘sophisticated westernized behaviour’ that most first-generation Dalits attending university lack.
The autobiography presents the socio-historical and cultural journey of the author. The author moves flawlessly between the private and public self to lie bare the casteist and patriarchal undertone of everyday life at home, school, and higher education institutions. The author opens a window to glimpse the school system and its nuances, the curriculum, the structure of reward and punishment, and the highly examination-oriented nature of the Indian education system after Independence.
Dr Ambedkar’s efforts to provide access to education for Dalits hold a significant place in the socio-cultural history of India. Wankhede acknowledges the role of Dr Ambedkar’s social movement and Samta Sainik Dal (SSD) in spreading awareness amongst the Dalits and encouraging them to educate their children. The author recounts the constant struggle and dilemma he suffered at the school level due to his lack of access to proper clothes, food, and academic support at home; and the discrimination and humiliation meted out to him daily outside.
Along with the hostile attitude of the upper caste, the author also underlines the deeply rooted patriarchal ideologies, notions of masculinity, and gendered norms with which he had to struggle. His soft and sympathetic behaviour; his reaching out to help his mother with household chores invited hateful comments and ridicule. Wankhede is also critical of the marriage rituals and changing the girl’s name after marriage amongst different castes of Maharashtra. Caste and gender bias are evident in all aspects of social life. He was forced to leave dancing due to his fellow students’ adverse reaction when he danced at the university function, instead of any praise or support. All this added to his sense of being stigmatized. It also reflects a dominant ideology that tends to look down on Dalit men/women who are engaged in art performances.
The author not only raises the question of ‘ascribed’ and ‘achieved’ status but constantly juggles with it. His journey as a Dalit scholar in transition shows how Dalits, once not allowed entry into the education system, it was possible to cross the threshold to access and participate in teaching at an elite educational institution. He acknowledges that it was possible due to constitutional provisions of positive discrimination. However, in the institution, he remains socially downgraded and unaccepted. Upper caste politics brutally crushed his future promotion aspirations as he recounts how his junior was promoted. For ten years, he has had to struggle to get a place to sit and work. Dalits remain economically fragile and ‘politically powerless,’ and a lack of social and cultural capital impedes their social and intellectual development once they enter premier higher education institutions such as JNU and TISS located in metropolitan cities.
The author’s experiences show that most SCs who look towards the education system with the hope to change their destiny have to grapple with material deprivation. Students from rural areas with no prior exposure to city life find it hard to adjust to the city’s culture and its way of life. The author expresses concern over the mismatch between the educational aspirations and the lack of family support of most Dalit students. He questions the apathy of the government towards the issues of Dalit students. Education in the regional medium and lack of command over English affect students’ performance from marginalised sections. As a result, stagnation and wastage at various levels of education are common. The author dwells on why Dalits remain fragmented in the higher education system and why they fail to create support groups to compensate for the lack of inherited social and cultural capital that most upper-caste students can easily command.
At the same time, he invokes the question of social justice. He is critical of the lax attitude of the administration of the universities when it comes to implementing government policies meant for the welfare and support of Dalit students. It is important to note that developing an academically and intellectually conducive environment is a precondition, and students should be given opportunities to explore new horizons. The author highlights that the scholarship under the DAAD exchange programme in 1990 proved a milestone in his journey as a sociologist. It is refreshing to note that Wankhede encouraged the students from marginalised backgrounds to discuss and share their academic problems.
To establish solidarity amongst SC and ST groups, bringing them under an organisation was essential. He played a pertinent role in establishing SC-ST Employees’ Welfare Association to ensure the proper implementation of positive discrimination policies at the institutional level and pave the path for social justice. The increasing privatization and marketization have further narrowed the path of higher education for the majority of the Dalits. Wankhede raises essential questions on the marketization of education and the future of Dalits in the neoliberal age where caste and class hierarchies appear to be camouflaged in the free market narrative. He contends that it will have long-term repercussions on the educational future of most of the Dalits. As a follower of Ambedkar’s philosophy, Wankhede went to length to ensure social justice, equality, and dignity for marginalized students during his tenure as dean of the social protection office despite suffering many setbacks due to caste and class-infused politics in the institution. The autobiography provides the readers with a glimpse of the overt and tacit caste politics in the academic inclusion and exclusion of Dalit scholars.
References:
Kumar, R. (2010). Dalit Personal Narratives Reading Caste, Nation and Identity. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan Pvt. Ltd.
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Rajshree Chanchal is an Assistant Professor at Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University Delhi.