The Indian family has undergone considerable changes in structure and dynamics. From the traditional form of the joint family (D’cruz and Bharat, 2001) to the current diverse family forms, such as single-parent households, adoptive families, disabled families, and queer families (Chakravarti, 2008; Ghosh and Sanyal, 2015; Swaddle & Desai, 2019), the family unit has been witnessing a multitude of changes in different developmental stages. The pandemic has only accentuated such changes (Chowkhani, 2022). Any scholarly engagement with the family needs to highlight ‘family’ as not just a stable institution but a dynamic construct that is taken up in diverse ways depending on the context. The Contemporary Indian Family Transitions and Diversity, edited by B Devi Prasad, Srilatha Juvva and Mahima Nayar and published by Taylor and Francis in 2020 illuminates the shifting and fluid qualities of the concept of the family. It provides a glimpse of the changing practices in the family and highlights the gendered nature of oppression that shapes individual subjectivity in the Indian context.

It is an insightful collection of essays that explores the varied mechanisms through which family structures and dynamics have transitioned in the Indian context. The book has nine chapters, with an introduction and a concluding chapter. Following a historical tracing of the family from pre-modern to contemporary times, the book highlights the changing nature of the field of family studies in terms of its shift from macro-level patterns to micro-level dynamics. Various approaches to understanding this trajectory, along with policy and individual-level changes, are discussed in the book’s introduction, setting the background for subsequent chapters.

The first and second chapters depict how actual families often differ from normative depictions. These chapters also trace how development and state interaction shape family dynamics and emphasize that ‘the family, a kinship group, is not a static institution but rather, it plays itself out through the household as it goes through its developmental phases’ (Prasad et al., 2020, p.37). The second chapter traces the trajectories in the discipline of family studies in the Indian context, highlighting how culture gives new meanings and nuances to universal concepts. The third- and fourth chapters dwell on how media and technology shape family dynamics in the Indian context and use a structural perspective to understand the multifaceted impact of poverty on families in both rural and urban contexts, respectively. 

The fifth and sixth chapters unravel the experience of families and women living in conflict zones. The fifth chapter outlines how indigenous knowledge and subjectivities are impacted when families live in conflict zones. The tribal communities of India have been at the receiving end of violence and oppression since colonial times. The ever-growing need for the state to intervene in their affairs and the constant tussle between the two has had a long-lasting impact on the lifeworld of tribal people. The chapter examines the Adivasi community in the central Indian context, specifically Chhattisgarh. There is also a detailed discussion of the brutal and unjustified violence (state-led and otherwise) inflicted upon women, men, and children. The sixth chapter continues this discussion about conflict and family by shedding light on the gendered nature of the struggle in conflict areas, specifically Kashmir. Women have always been the first target and the worst affected community during the conflict. As witnessed during the partition between India and Pakistan in 1947, by inextricably linking virtue and honour to a woman and her body, mass abductions, rapes, and the killing of women took place on a colossal scale (Das and Singh, 1995). Violence of various kinds was inflicted upon them, and the brunt of sustenance and recovery also invariably fell on them. The chapter highlights how women cope with the stress of a lost husband and the challenges of raising children and sustaining the family and social fabric. An interesting observation in the chapter is that many women increasingly move into the public sphere through their activism and in search of ‘justice’. Many also take on additional responsibilities as their husbands are absent; however, this is not necessarily associated with increased autonomy or agency. The societal pressures and demands from the family make this increased participation a performative phenomenon, even though they are still associated with their primary role of caregivers/wives. It is also noted that women often negotiate public spaces and activist circles through their maternal location, as their participation in the public sphere constitutes a rupture in their traditional roles. (Prasad et al 2020, p.140)

The seventh chapter discusses how families make sense of queer family members, revolving around issues of acceptance, changing family dynamics, and new kinship relations. The LGBTQ+ community in India has faced and still faces a tremendous amount of stigma from the state and the family. It intersects with other systemic and structural issues that exacerbate their situation. It would have been good to see a discussion of the issues faced by the transgender community in this chapter. The eighth chapter explores disability as a lens to understand family dynamics in households with one or more deaf families. It sheds light on how disabled people challenge normative understandings about parenthood and disability, exploring issues around stigma, communication, difference, and social relations. The final chapter binds the entire text together and orients the reader to the bigger picture emanating from the book. The discipline of family studies has undergone various trends, gesturing towards the possibilities of new kinds of families, such as same-sex families and intentional families.[i]

In conclusion, the book sheds light on the dynamic and evolving nature of the Indian family. Over time, the traditional joint family has given way to diverse family structures. The chapters focusing on conflict zones bring attention to the struggles faced by indigenous communities and women, underscoring the intersectionality of violence and gender. Meanwhile, the discussion on queer family members highlights the challenges of acceptance and changing family dynamics within the LGBTQ+ community as they confront societal stigmas and discrimination. Furthermore, exploring disability as a lens to understand family dynamics presents a compelling perspective on how disabled individuals challenge societal norms and redefine parenthood and family roles. These transformations suggest that marginalized communities are forging new paths, striving for empowerment and inclusivity. 

The book provides a valuable contribution to family studies, offering fresh insights into the multifaceted and evolving nature of families in the Indian context. By understanding and embracing the fluidity of the family institution, society can better adapt to its members’ diverse needs and experiences, fostering a more inclusive and compassionate environment for all. A more nuanced consideration of other forms of families, for instance, adoptive families, or even single-parent-led families would have enriched the text even further. Moreover, a keen eye for the rural-urban divide and differences in the experiences is a must when looking at family structures which were missing in a few chapters. Nonetheless, the book is a significant resource for scholars and researchers from anthropology, sociology, feminist theory, family studies, gender studies, and psychology. It urges us to rethink and redefine the concept of family in the context of contemporary India and its rich tapestry of evolving family structures and dynamics.


[i] See, e.g. the emerging discourse of ‘single studies’ in India (Chowkhani, 2022).

References:

Chakravarti, U. (2008). Burden of Caring: Families of the Disabled in Urban India. Indian Journal of Gender Studies. 15(2): 341–363.

Chowkhani, K. (2022). Successfully Aging Alone: Long-Term Singlehood and Care during COVID-19 in India. Eldercare Issues in China and India. (pp. 145–154). Routledge.

Das, V., and Singh, B. (1995). Critical Events: An Anthropological Perspective on Contemporary India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

D’cruz, P., & Bharat, S. (2001). Beyond Joint and Nuclear: The Indian Family Revisited. Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 32(2): 167–194.

Desai, R. (2019). What It’s Like to Be Openly Queer and Exist Within an Indian Family. The Swaddle. https://theswaddle.com/what-its-like-to-be-openly-queer-and-exist-within-an-indian-family/

Sanyal, D and A. Ghosh. (2019). How Can Families Be Imagined Beyond Kinship and Marriage? Economic and Political Weekly. 54 (45).

***

Priyasha Choudhary is a MA in Development Studies from the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Hyderabad.

By Jitu

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