Mobile Girls Koottam: Working Women Speak by Madhumita Dutta (published by Zubaan in 2022) presents an unfiltered dialogue, among a group of young migrant women labourers employed in the Special Economic Zone factories of Tamil Nadu. Originating from a podcast, this book offers a remarkable and authentic insight into the intricate lives of these women, addressing topics ranging from menstrual taboos and gendered labour to family dynamics and the complexities of factory work. At its core, it echoes a resounding declaration: “You can live only if you struggle – a constant struggle, struggle against unfreedoms!” (p. 121). It encapsulates the essence of these stories. It compels readers to perceive these narratives beyond their roles as labourers, allowing an interdisciplinary exploration of their vulnerability, identity, labouring lives and reimagining sisterhood.

The first conversation- surrounding tea-making, becomes a lens to analyse the discomfort experienced by women in roadside tea shops, which are ostensibly considered public spaces. The discomfort arises from the socialization process within households, where girls are conditioned to view these spaces as inaccessible due to their association with men. The narrative highlights a paradox: even as women migrate to urban settings and distance themselves from familial patriarchal control, their engagement with public spaces remains confined by deeply entrenched gender norms. The women thus articulate their desire for a space; not an ‘open space’ but a safe space where they can ‘loiter and chat’. This aspiration culminates in the vision of establishing a ‘Nokia girls’ tea shop for women’, where women can feel secure and ‘trust these spaces’. These sentiments can be rightly expressed in the words of Kamala Das:

“I dream of a day when women will be able to use public spaces freely and without fear. A day when we will be able to move around without having to be constantly on guard. A day when we will be able to feel safe and respected” (Das 1978, p. 107).

The discourse surrounding menstruation in Tamil Nadu is steeped in superstition and cultural practices, portrayed in the section titled ‘My First Period’, following the screening of the Tamil documentary ‘Madhavidaai’[i]. For instance, many reveal the commonalities they face during their first encounters with menstruation. They had to await the ‘arrival of their maternal uncle’s wife’ when they had their first period. While the specific customs may vary among families, the overarching expectations placed on women remain remarkably similar. The women also contemplate how the social structure would be ‘if men had periods’ and if they would be subjected to the same cultural superstitions and narratives surrounding menstruation.

Practices such as constructing ‘thatched roofs’ to hide menstruating girls, inaccessibility to ‘temples’ and selling ‘sanitary pads in black bags’ are mechanisms aimed at enforcing concealment. It reinforces the notion of women as ‘outcasts’ and ‘polluted’. Interestingly, these acts run counter to the ‘coming of age’ ceremonies, which, rather problematically, commemorate a girl’s biological destiny tied to procreation. This associates secrecy and shame along with restricting their agency.  In the context of menstruation- its regulation and control, and the power dynamics associated with it, Michel Foucault’s concept of ‘biopower’[ii] exemplifies how power is productive. Society, through cultural norms, taboos, and expectations, exerts power over women’s bodies and their reproductive processes. This power operates by defining what is considered normal or abnormal, clean or unclean, and by creating a system of surveillance and discipline that governs women’s behaviour during menstruation. These entrenched narratives too touch upon the realm of sisterhood as these characters navigate through the shared experiences of their bodies. It too largely projects the education divide, revealing how gender, class, and urban-rural dynamics intersect to shape perceptions and experiences of menstruation.

Kalpana, in this book, is often characterized as ‘arrogant’ paradoxically highlights her assertion of agency in challenging systems of control. Her association with the marginalized Adi Dravidar (Dalit) community, rooted in the genealogy of oppression and discrimination empowers her to delve deeply into the complexities between caste and gender. Also, the practices related to period stigmatization can vary among different communities and regions within Tamil Nadu, including her own community. Kalpana assertively rejects the stigmatization associated with menstruation, recounting – “During my period, my mother would scold me. ‘She doesn’t bathe when she has her period,’ she would say. I would not bathe. I just would not bathe” (p. 107). Her experience of period discrimination more than others may not only implicitly unfold the perpetual accommodation of M.N. Srinivas’s ‘Sanskritization’[iii] and ‘the ‘Caste-Based Purity-Pollution Paradigm’^iv but also reflect her political marginality.

Another important subject that props up is the acknowledgment of ‘housework’ as legitimate labour by women, but not necessarily by men. It represents a devaluation of domestic work. This issue is deeply rooted in the historical and patriarchal division of labour that has long associated household duties as a natural extension of women’s roles. There is also societal scrutiny faced by women who choose to be housewives as there has always been a gaining popularity of an ‘educated’ woman. The critique directed at educated women who opt for homemaking illustrates the erosion of women’s agency that is overshadowed by external judgments or stereotypes. Marriage, another realm in this book explores the class-based divide through the contrasting perspectives of Sam and the women in Muthu’s room. Sam, views her relationship as a contractual arrangement rather than a long-term commitment, while the women in Muthu’s room bring the importance of marriage as a source of ‘support and protection’ and that love should culminate in marriage, aligning with conventional norms. Also, the sheer association of women with dependency exemplifies that this social institution is often viewed through the lens of the male gaze. But Kalpana debunks this stereotype by sharing encounters with unmarried women who lead independent lives, demonstrating the agency women exercise in choosing alternative paths. Also, there have been nuances where these conventional norms stand fragile; an exercise to subversion is displayed in the expression of some women who prioritize love outside of the institution of marriage and caste in the rural setting. Even their dialogue on kissing in public spaces opens specifics of class division-based definitions of sexual harassment in the workplace.

In regards to factory work, the women in the workforce navigate the challenges of menstruation, where speed and efficiency are paramount, and they often find themselves having to ‘adjust’ to these demands. Despite experiencing a degree of freedom in their workplace, they are apprehensive about even requesting restroom breaks, fearing that it might jeopardize their perceived freedom and lead to further exploitation. This foregrounds the enduring influence of patriarchal norms that undermine women’s control over their bodies, even in contexts where empowerment is expected.

Moreover, their anxieties about job security and the realities of technological expectation from a globalized job market stress the inherent vulnerability of female workers in the face of economic uncertainties. Despite their qualifications and expertise, these women perceive a restricted array of career opportunities. It displays the systemic gender biases that undervalue women’s contributions to the labour force. Another salient example lies in their discussions about the critical role of ‘computer skills’ underscoring the gendered valuation of skills and the transformative impact of technology on employment opportunities. This reminds us of “labour representing value and often women’s low status was seen to be a consequence of their lack of acknowledged economic participation” (John 2013, p. 181-182).But while they may not employ terms like ‘neoliberalism’ or ‘disposable labour’, their narratives reveal a keen awareness of their position and function within the capital-driven production system.

The dominant subjects in the remaining discussions revolve around a variety of themes. Sathya’s perspective illuminates the workings of patriarchy within households, especially in situations where the household consists primarily of women alongside the father figure. The presence or absence of men in these settings appears to dictate the extent of freedom and autonomy experienced by the women. Furthermore, some women share their experiences of being physically confined within their homes, with parents locking them in when they had to go out. This practice is often justified as a protective measure by parents, further reinforcing the perception that women require shielding from external influences. The differential treatment of daughters and sons within households also lacks substantial justification, often stemming from internalized gender norms where girls and boys are treated differently – solely based on their gender. This tapestry of societal expectations, mechanisms of control, and gender disparities is intricately woven into the narratives of these women.

Madhushree’s empathetic gaze through these narratives imbued her illustration- anecdotal, offering glimpses into the lives of women within both domestic and public spheres. These illustrations capture a sense of melancholy in the women’s expressions. Even in moments where the women are depicted with smiles, an undercurrent of sadness is discernible in their eyes. These bear a striking resemblance to the paintings of Amrita Sher-Gil, who herself articulated that her work aimed to capture the inner world of women – one often characterized by neglect, oppression, and enduring sadness.

Overall, Dutta’s work pushes us to defy the constraints of political correctness and discard the conventional researcher-researched paradigm. Instead, it beckons us to become empathetic listeners, appreciating the intricate nuances of these women’s lives and embracing the possibilities that arise from their raw dialogues by amplifying the voices of women which are often rendered invisible.

“Our voices matter! What we have shared, our experiences, our stories, our thoughts – it all matters, our bodies matter, our labour matters, our knowledge matters, we matter” (p. 199).

Her refreshing collective of organic voices can hold the potential to be a significant contribution to both academic research and the broader societal dialogue. It advocates for a holistic approach and often precarious intersections of identities beyond the limiting binaries and stereotypes perpetuated by mainstream media. Thus, Madhumita’s credibility in portraying the resilience and determination of women who defy societal norms and demand recognition of their rights and dignity remains unquestionable.

[i] A Tamil documentary made in 2012. The film showed various ritualistic (caste-based) practices around menstruation in some districts in Tamil Nadu.

[ii] Biopower is a concept developed by the French philosopher Michel Foucault to describe the ways in which modern societies exercise control and governance over individuals and populations. It encompasses the various techniques and mechanisms through which states, institutions, and authorities regulate and manage the bodies, behaviours, and health of individuals.

[iii] Sanskritization is a sociological concept which refers to the process where lower caste trying to operate within the normative contours of Brahminical caste order without fundamentally challenging the Brahminical hegemony.

⁴ The caste-based purity-pollution paradigm is a fundamental aspect of the Indian caste system, where purity and pollution are central concepts that dictate social interactions and hierarchies. It is deeply rooted in the beliefs of ritual purity of higher castes and the idea that lower castes are inherently impure or polluted.

References:

Das, Kamala. 1976. ‘My Story’, Sterling Publishers, 107.

John, Mary E. 2013. ‘The Problem of Women’s Labour: Some Autobiographical Perspectives’, Indian Journal of Gender Studies, 181-182.

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Jagadhatri Singh is a Masters student of politics with specialisation in International Studies at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.