Gender, Space, and Agency in India: Exploring Regional Genderscapes (published by Routledge in 2021) by Anindita Dutta is a collection of essays that show the intricate interplay between geography and gender dynamics within the Indian context. Through nine case studies across regions and socio-political contexts, the book systematically scrutinizes how spatial peculiarities or geographies shape and influence the lived experiences, agency, and epistemic oppression of women, underscoring the relationship between gender and space. At its core, is the assertion that “space is not innocent of gender, and gender is not unaware of space” (p. 1). This perspective is rooted in Denize Kandiyoti’s conceptualization of patriarchy in India as a ‘classic patriarchy’[i]. The embedded power structures within the framework of classic patriarchy and the ‘doxic’[ii] acceptance of family norms reproduce their subjugation. By embracing a social constructionist approach to gender, the author challenges the essentialist perspective on ‘regional differences,’ deconstructing the notion that such distinctions are natural and immutable. She emphasizes the socially produced and alterable nature of these differences by citing Judith Butler’s idea that there is no “interior truth” to gender. The gendered body is a congealment of “styles of the flesh” through repetitive performances (Butler 1990, 1993), thus, portraying gender as an ongoing, socially constructed process that is continually negotiated and performed.

Rituparna Bhattacharyya in her chapter, Pierre Bourdieu’s Symbolic Violence: Scripting Gender Among Assamese Middle-Class Women in Higher Education, explores the paradoxes within postcolonial India, specifically navigating the complexities between traditional sociocultural practices and modernity within the regional genderscape of Assam. Despite historical freedom from dowry practices attributed to its geographical proximity to matrilineal subcultures, Assam ostensibly grants women greater freedom. However, Bhattacharyya exposes the everyday household spaces wherein middle-class and upper-caste Hindu women, despite being better educated and employment-oriented, find themselves ensnared in a constructed classic patriarchy. This patriarchal structure emerges through the impact of social reform movements and identity politics, resulting in restrictions on women’s mobility, thus shaping the gendered lives of Assamese women. Instances from interviews such as women wearing mekhela sadar to gain respect from conservative in-laws or prioritizing their daughters’ exams over personal career commitments embody the pervasive influence of ‘symbolic violence’[iii] in Assamese society. The unconscious acceptance of such practices reflects the misrecognition inherent in Assamese society, perpetuating power in everyday practices. Patricia Kewer and Martha Geores in their chapter focus on four Indian women pursuing graduate education in the United States. They studied the impact of social spaces on girls’ education in India by elucidating the nexus between the regional genderscapes and their effect on education.  Within this exploration, they briefed the positive social spaces and enabling factors such as globalization for progress and social emancipation. Nevertheless, this straightforward force of globalization is not consistently favourable.

A critique of the witch-hunting practices pervasive in thirteen villages of Jharkhand is presented by Bashabi Gupta by investigating the social relations and property rights patterns in both tribal and non-tribal communities. The chapter argues that prevailing unequal property laws contribute to gendered inequality by fostering witchcraft practices, effectively restricting women’s exercise of property rights. Gupta describes the process through which women are labelled as witches, attributing to them special powers believed to cause misfortunes in the community. Targets are those who challenge male dominance or possess land rights. The subsequent purging of evil frequently leads to physical violence, encompassing both sexual and economic harm, forcing accused women out of villages or even resulting in their death- an unsettling response to male anxieties. The silence maintained by male perpetrators and female onlookers is driven by the fear of being implicated as witches themselves. This creates a web that protects the perpetrators and isolates the victims. This systematic persecution serves to brand women- a low status, reinforcing gender hierarchies. Additionally, the repetitive mention in interviews of the phrase ‘but then I was alive’ signifies a narrative larger than shame associated with the incidents, revealing a fundamental struggle for survival in the face of orchestrated witch hunts.

In the fifth chapter, Barnali Biswas analyzes the experiences of rural women in West Bengal’s Purulia and Hugli districts, specifically focusing on their restricted access to public space within the context of decentralized political decision-making. The negotiation of public political and gendered spaces is an ongoing process. The study draws attention to a paradoxical situation: while politically conscious women members of the Panchayat in Hugli ensure an inclusive space through social interventions, women leaders in the less developed district face difficulties in asserting decision-making authority. This is attributed to entrenched structures of power, including issues like illiteracy, domestic responsibilities, and the pervasive influence of a male-dominated rural power structure. But even in the face of socioeconomic constraints and patriarchal norms, women demonstrate an exceptional ability to articulate agency and express their needs through a structured support system.

Swagata Basu brings attention to low-income neighbourhoods in Delhi, where women derive agency from the space provided by Mahila Panchayats and women’s networks of solidarity. In these non-formal spaces inspired by initiatives like Sabala Sangh, Mahila Panchayats act as redressal systems for economically marginalized women such as generating agency for married women in hostile families. Testimonials cite positive shift – “humari izzat hone lagi (we are being treated with respect)” (p. 85), within these mahila panchayats. Simultaneously, there also seems an improvement in women’s mobility- “aane jaane ki sahuliat (ease of coming and going within the neighbourhood)” (p. 86). These forums offer ‘tailor-made justice’, shielding women from potential revictimization within state-based institutions. Despite the transformative potential, the transition from male-dominated to egalitarian spaces is not seamless. Members often face backlash and resistance from both men and women opposed to the evolving dynamics.

In the next chapter, Kanchan Gandhi examines the patriarchal denial of economic agency to widows, specifically those categorized as single women, in rural Punjab. The focus is on the construction of gender relations within patrilineal inheritance systems, shedding light on the constraints widows face in the aftermath of the Green Revolution. The chapter further underscores the disparity in attention between de jure categories of single women (widows, never married and separated women), with widows receiving significant attention, and de facto heads of households (women with husbands alive but absent, infirm, or alcoholics), often overlooked. In the context of Punjab, where substance abuse-induced infirmity in men is prevalent, examining de facto women heads of households becomes crucial. This scrutiny reveals a distressing pattern of abandonment and violence from marital families, including instances of disownment and abuse. The inadequacy of social security and livelihood support, coupled with delays in widows’ schemes and minimalistic pensions, significantly contributes to the struggles faced by these women. Also, there is the emergence of social evils resulting from substance abuse, disproportionately affecting widows and single women. The intersection of oppressive caste systems with the ‘singleness’ of widows exacerbates their plight. In their own words, many widows conveyed that “It is better to die than to live like this” (p. 104).

Ajay Bailey in the eighth chapter discusses the performances of migrant masculinities in Goa, specifically focusing on men migrating from Karnataka due to financial hardships and limited job opportunities. The study aims to contextualize the construction of masculinity among migrant men, taking into account socio-cultural factors influencing these performances. Bailey introduces the concept of inclusionary, exclusionary, and liminal spaces to understand the dynamics of migrant masculinities. Migrant settlements in Goa act as inclusive spaces, replicating rural life and fostering community through the construction of schools, temples, and mosques funded by internal and external capital. However, the study also reveals the ‘exclusionary othering’ experienced by migrants, leading to discrimination and violence. The term “Ghati”[iv] transforms from denoting migrants to an abusive reference, marked by distinctions in clothing styles and language. Applying the concept of liminality, the study emphasizes migrants’ transitional state, ‘betwixt and between,’ during migration, which varies across generations and length of stay. This liminality is closely linked to migrants’ aspirations, with a shared desire to return to Karnataka for future establishment. All these aspects culminate that the intersection of masculinities and mobilities shapes new performances influenced by socio-economic privilege.

Bandyopadhyay and Saha’s chapter, following Bailey’s study, aims to explore the intersection between geography, gender roles, and water scarcity in drought-prone Gujarat villages. Highlighting the arduous lives of rural women, the study signifies the increased vulnerability stemming from educational limitations and male-dominated decision-making. Women emerge as crucial water carriers and managers but they are the sufferers too- as long walks and physical strain during water collection strain their health. Within the context of typical Gujarati households there is division between inner and outer courtyards. The inner courtyard serves as a familial space for women, while economically constrained households use sarees as makeshift curtains for compartmentalization. Likewise, this personal space is described by Mehsana (interviewee):

“It is our space. We clean it every day with the water that we fetch from the nearby well, feed the babies, watch television together and take rest after a hard day’s work. When the men come, they sit outside, have food and come inside only during the night.” (p.127)

The kitchen holds varied meanings for women, symbolizing semi-autonomy but also it is derided by periodic exclusion during menstruation. The power dynamics within villages are shaped by the caste composition, possessing the inherent capacity to obscure gender inequalities within their fabric. Nonetheless, these spaces get blurred under the complete control of men over women’s activities.

Sara Smith’s chapter, Number, Bodies, Love, and Babies stands out by avoiding this assumption about ‘region’ as a mere container. Smith, in her feminist geopolitics approach, mentions that the territorial anxieties of Leh, Ladakh, reveal an intimate life that is not merely connected to regions but is productive of the region itself. Politicians in Leh discourage Buddhist women from practising family planning, reinforcing the link between women’s fertility and the state’s power. Despite their involvement in pro-natal geopolitical discussions, women’s bodies become subjects of territorial contests due to their role in producing voters. Interestingly, this does not deter them from pursuing romantic relationships.

The concept of agency is not limited to grand gestures of resistance. Everyday acts of defiance, however seemingly insignificant, chip away at patriarchal structures and empower women to claim control over their lives. This aligns perfectly with Datta’s exploration of feminist counterspaces in the concluding chapter. She emphasizes the significance of ‘indigenous feminisms’ as a framework, drawing attention to the often invisible forms of resistance and resilience employed by women. These acts, ranging from masquerade to strategic silence and disguised dissent, might appear subtle; however, pave the way for larger-scale movements, exemplified by the Meira Paibi protests, Irom Sharmila’s hunger strike and the anti-CAA protests in challenging dominant power structures. All of these contribute significantly to gender geography literature, highlighting the adaptability of women’s resistance within diverse spatial contexts. Datta’s study, thus, prompts critical reflections on the intersections of agency, gender, and space by interrogating regional differences and unveiling the gendered practices embedded in the making of regions thereby offering an invaluable standpoint for scholars and activists alike.

[i] Classic patriarchy is a traditional social system characterized by women’s subordination to men and other elder women within patrilocal households, where power dynamics and family norms are deeply ingrained and internalized.

[ii] “Doxa” refers to Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of ideas in society that are taken for granted and habitualised and seem natural and obvious. These are things that “go without saying because they come without saying” (Bourdieu 1972, trans 1977, p. 167). In situations of classic patriarchy, the doxic acceptance of women submitting to family norms continuously reinforces male privilege and patriarchal power. Women seldom challenge the apparent naturalness of the cultural script shaped by doxa.

[iii] Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “symbolic violence” refers to a form of power exerted through symbolic means, such as language, education, or cultural norms, that imposes and reinforces social inequalities. It operates subtly and invisibly, shaping individuals’ perceptions, values, and behaviours in a way that maintains existing power structures. Symbolic violence is not physical coercion but rather a mechanism by which dominant groups impose their worldview, norms, and values on others, leading to the reproduction of social hierarchies.

[iv] In the Goan context, the term “Ghati” is used to refer to migrants from Karnataka, grounded in the idea that these individuals have crossed the Western Ghats to reach Goa. Despite its spatial origin, ghati becomes an excluding identity, emphasizing the outsider status of migrants in the receiving community.

Reference:

Bourdieu, Pierre. (1972). Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge University Press.

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Jagadhatri Singh is a Masters student of politics with specialisation in International Studies at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.