On June 4, the enormous task of tallying millions of votes for the 18th Lok Sabha election was completed by the Election Commission of India, marking the world’s greatest six-week, seven-phase democratic process. Like many others, I found myself immersed in social media, particularly Instagram’s ‘reel’ section, where I spent hours consuming edits and memes of various political figures and parties. The media, often dominated by those in power, especially politicians, serves as a tool for mass mobilization and the dissemination of information. In the era of print capitalism and later with the advent of television and the internet, those in power can construct narratives that reinforce existing systems of authority. The use of social media is relatively new. Though the 2004 general elections in India were heralded by some as the first social media-driven election, it was largely used by the then-ascendant political party, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) (Chaudhuri 2017).
This digital engagement can be in a very broad way linked to Jurgen Habermas’ idea of the ‘bourgeois public sphere’ (Habermas 1962), a realm where individuals engage in rational-critical discussions about public matters. However, there are important differences that need to be flagged. But first I attempt to put forward a sense of its early understanding. The idea emerged in Europe in the eighteenth century, where the domain offered a stage for discussion free from economic or political constraints, promoting democracy by giving people the ability to participate, form public opinion, and influence decision-making (McKeon 2004). Although Habermas’ theory originated in European history, a vibrant public sphere emerged in the colonially mediated modern world of India, though its specificities led scholars such as Arvind Rajagopal to term it a split public (Rajagopal 2009). A reference to what he wrote may be worth reiteration. He wrote how the existing literature on the idea of the ‘public sphere’ which is vast is most often associated with Jurgen Habermas whose arguments, while important, cannot be accepted without extensive revision. He thus suggests that more than the answers Habermas offers, the questions that he asked remain interesting: What is the connection between forms of communication and their socio-political contexts? What kinds of participation in the public sphere are possible? Whose interests does it represent?
Perhaps we need to keep this in mind as we look at the role of digital media in the 2024 elections. Maitrayee Chaudhuri argues that two developments have to be taken note of what the transformed nature of the public is. She writes that the ‘visibility’ of public personages is no safeguard for their accountability to the public. In the contemporary context, there are a few developments that need to be flagged. One is a clear retreat of a substantive and democratic collective political vision. Two, ‘narrowcasting’ or the creation of specialized or fragmented audiences which is probably the media system characteristic that has had the most dramatic consequence for mass politics. More choices are viable for people. If ‘political junkies’ want detailed political news, they can find it, but sports enthusiasts can choose to watch sports channels and avoid politics altogether (Chaudhuri 2017). This is the larger context within which my observations on the 2024 elections can be read.
Today, social media platforms like Instagram act as modern-day public spheres, where discussions and activism go beyond ‘traditional’ boundaries. In this context, examining online discourse through Habermas’ concept of the public sphere while also bringing to attention how digital media as a form leads to fundamental alteration. For there is a paradoxical development as the internet becomes more global users tend to get confined to like-minded groups whether defined by ascription or achievement.
This was particularly evident during the most recent elections when several political parties used short reels and varied meme formats along with Gen-Z terminology to attract the attention of a younger voter base. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, political parties’ social media teams used trending hashtags, and reached out to voters with their messages, thanks to the surge of smartphone users and affordable internet. They countered one other’s efforts and influenced voters with humour, witty slogans, and even self-generated content to appear personable.
Before the elections, memes were heavily utilized by the two main political parties, the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Thanks to the “Bharat Jodo Yatra” and “Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra,” Rahul Gandhi’s reputation was changed by the Congress party from that of a “shehzada” (a prince, according to the BJP) to that of a grassroots leader who has travelled the entire nation to understand the issues faced by the common people. (Sharma 2024) On the other hand, the BJP produced a short video that included opposition figures in a reel with a dating app-style interface, where each one was “left-swiped.” (Roy 2024) However, memes were not the only strategy employed by political parties in this election. AI and ‘deepfakes’ were also utilized, leading to significant challenges. For example, the Congress Party used AI-generated deepfakes in Telangana, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) employed AI for 3D hologram projections and deepfake videos, and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) created AI-generated videos of deceased leader M. Karunanidhi. An AI startup, ‘The Indian Deepfaker’, provided services to clone voices and create personalized messages for political campaigns but rejected unethical requests for manipulated videos targeting opponents (Sharma 2024).
Therefore, these strategies to influence voting behaviour on social media can be understood through the lens of how political parties organize power, drawing on Eric R. Wolf’s concepts of power, especially in terms of signification and organization (Wolf 1990). Social media platforms, popular hashtags, trending audio, images, and political leaders, as well as the parties themselves, became symbols for their causes. These elements shaped narratives and public consciousness, influencing the digital discourse. By embracing these new trends, political parties developed storylines that connected with their audiences, staying relevant to younger voters to gain their support and dissuade them from supporting opposition campaigns.
These innovative digital campaigning tactics had a big impact on the Indian parliamentary elections of 2024 and changed the outcome significantly. Despite securing a majority with 293 seats, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its National Democratic Alliance (NDA) saw a decline in seats from the BJP’s total of 303 seats in 2019. Even with its 240 seats, the BJP was short of the 272 seats required for a majority. On the other hand, the opposition INDIA alliance, which is led by the Indian National Congress (INC) of Rahul Gandhi, scored significant gains. The INC alone secured 99 seats, a significant improvement from their performance of 52 seats in 2019. Key states like Uttar Pradesh (UP), where the BJP suffered defeats despite securing 33 seats and losing in the significant Faizabad constituency, which is home to the Ram temple in Ayodhya and served as a focal point of the party’s campaign, were crucial. Overall, the BJP-NDA was able to hold onto power, but the election revealed a decrease in their number of seats when compared to prior years, suggesting that the opposition was becoming more powerful (AJLabs 2024).
Hence, the changing media landscape in India highlights a significant shift in how politicians communicate, especially through platforms like Instagram reels and memes. Using Habermas’ concept of the public sphere and Eric R. Wolf’s theories on power, it is clear these digital tools help organize and wield influence. Beyond entertainment, memes and reels shape opinions and redefine political engagement in the digital era. As one navigates these changes, understanding their impact on public discourse and participation is crucial for democracy in India.
References:
1. AJLabs. (2024). Mapping the Results of the India Election 2024. Al Jazeera. 6 June 2024. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/6/6/mapping-the-results-of-the-india-election-2024
2. Chaudhuri, Maitrayee. 2017. Refashioning India: Gender, Media and a Transformed Public Discourse. Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan.
3. Habermas, Jürgen. (1962). The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Massachusetts: The MIT Press.
4. McKeon, Michael. 2004. Parsing Habermas’s ‘Bourgeois Public Sphere.’ Criticism.46(2): 273–277. Waye State University Press.
5. Rajagopal, Arvind. 2009. The Indian Public Sphere: Readings in Media History. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
6. Roy, Tasmayee L. 2024. Elections 2024: Politicians Hungry for Gen Z Attention Use Memes, Reels and Influencers. Storyboard18. 9 April 2024. https://www.storyboard18.com/how-it-works/genz-driven-campaigns-politicians-embrace-memes-reels-and-influencers-to-attract-youth-vote-in-2024-elections-28546.htm
7. Sharma, Tanvi. 2024. Lok Sabha elections 2024: How Social Media Emerged as Key Battlefield for BJP vs Congress. The Times of India. 14 June 2024. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/lok-sabha-elections-2024-how-social-media-emerged-as-key-battlefield-for-bjp-vs-congress/articleshow/111002045.cms
8. Sharma, Yashraj. 2024. “Deepfake Democracy: Behind the AI Trickery Shaping India’s 2024 Election”. Al Jazeera. 20 February 2024. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/20/deepfake-democracy-behind-the-ai-trickery-shaping-indias-2024-elections
9. Srikanth, Swara. 2024. Netizens Mark 2024 LS Election Results Day with Hilarious Memes. Free Press Journal. 4 June, 2024. https://www.freepressjournal.in/viral/netizens-mark-2024-ls-election-results-day-with-hilarious-memes
10. Wolf, Eric R. 1990. Distinguished Lecture: Facing Power – Old Insights, New Questions. American Anthropologist, 92(3), 586–596.
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Srishti Ganguly is pursuing a Master’s in Sociology from South Asian University (SNU), New Delhi.