In April 2024, I embarked on a field study in the Central Himalayas of India to investigate the complex interplay between gender dynamics and environmental conservation, with a particular focus on the roles, challenges, and opportunities faced by women leaders within the Community Forestry Institutions (CFIs) in Uttarakhand. These institutions, locally known as Van Panchayats or Forest Councils, are community-based forest management systems established in the early 20th century under section 28(2) of the Indian Forest Act of 1927, to resolve conflicts over forest rights during British colonial rule. These systems are among the oldest examples of formalized community forest co-management in the world (Stevens, 2022), which granted villagers the authority to form autonomous committees responsible for managing hill forests for subsistence purposes, promoting sustainable use and conservation (Negi et al., 2012).
The relationship between women and the environment in this region is deeply rooted in traditional gender roles, which often position women as the primary custodians of natural resources. This dynamic places them at the heart of environmental conservation efforts and underscores their critical roles in maintaining the ecological balance (Mahour, 2016). However, the intersection of gender and conservation reveals a multifaceted landscape marked by systemic inequalities and entrenched societal norms that shape women’s participation, representation, and leadership within these community-managed institutions.
During my fieldwork, I witnessed women’s significant but often overlooked contributions to daily life in the hills. Their involvement is crucial for maintaining food security and sustaining livelihoods within these rural areas. The women in this region have a deep knowledge of local ecosystems and biodiversity (Bhatt, 2000), with their lives intricately connected to the natural surroundings. The forest plays a crucial part in their daily existence, providing essential resources such as water, fodder, fuel wood, and various other minor forest products (Mahour, 2016). Additionally, existing literature also suggests that climate change negatively impacts these women, given their responsibility of managing households and livelihoods (Nellemann et al., 2011).
In recent years, women in the Central Himalayas have been at the forefront of grassroots conservation movements, advocating for the protection of sacred groves, the promotion of organic farming, and the preservation of traditional seed varieties, etc. (Bisht, 2016). Moreover, women’s groups have emerged as key actors in community-based ecotourism ventures, promoting sustainable livelihoods while safeguarding natural heritage (Bhandari, 2020). Despite their vital contributions, rural women in these regions face numerous challenges, including limited access to resources, gender-based discrimination, caste-based segregation, under-representation in decision-making, and the encroachment of development projects on their lands (Pandey, 2018).
As a native researcher who hails from the very community I am studying, my journey in the Central Himalayas has been one of profound learning and unlearning. This research has not only illuminated the lived realities of women in this region but has also prompted a deep reflection on my epistemic positionality and its influence on the research process. Growing up within the social fabric of this landscape, I was inherently accustomed to the patriarchal norms and gendered power dynamics that permeate the region. My privilege of caste and class further shielded me from the struggles faced by marginalized communities, leading to a sense of normalcy surrounding the inequalities I now actively question. Returning to the field with a researcher’s lens revealed a harsh reality that I had previously overlooked, and the struggle to separate my intellectual and emotional considerations became much more challenging (Chacko, 2004). Some feminist geographers claim that the in-between position has its advantages and that the “spaces of betweenness” in which researchers operate can be used to resist dominant ways of acquiring information and regulating the production of knowledge (Katz, 1994; Nast,1994). The idea here is rooted in the understanding that researchers, particularly those engaged in feminist and critical work, often occupy a unique “in-between” position. This position is not fully aligned with the dominant power structures or completely outside them, but somewhere in the middle. This truly resonated with my own experiences in the field.
Through my field visit and immersive interactions, I have come to a deeper understanding of the critical role women play in sustaining the local economy, livelihoods, and the very fabric of life in the central Himalayas. Despite their essential contributions, women struggle to progress and thrive without adequate family and community support due to the narrow-minded and patriarchal nature of society. They are expected to shoulder all domestic and caregiving responsibilities while adhering to the restrictive ideals of the “good daughter and daughter-in-law.” It was particularly striking to realize that these women, who serve as the backbone of life in the region, are still unable to advocate for their own rights and needs. The deeply ingrained belief that “this is just how things are” is so profoundly internalized among the women here that they often underestimate their own potential and capacity for leadership and empowerment. The absence of adequate support structures, including access to education, training, and economic opportunities, continues to limit women’s ability to overcome the barriers they face and reach their full potential.
I remember conversing with a group of rural women over a cup of tea and jaggery, sitting on the verandah of a traditional Pahari house. They shared how the woman who is the head of the forest council is restricted from attending meetings because her spouse disapproves, and she may face domestic violence if she attends without informing him. The other woman agreed, saying she faces similar challenges when participating in community meetings. Another woman mentioned how she is not permitted to attend the meetings because she may be menstruating, and since the meeting hall is located within the temple premises, the local cultural taboos do not allow women to enter during that time, effectively excluding them from the decision-making processes (Prasanna, 2016).
These women discussed the matter casually, sipping their tea and laughing about it without any discomfort. I was taken aback, as I had never been part of such conversations and it left me stunned. As an outsider, I could not express anything, but I found myself uncomfortable with the situation, which seemed entirely normal to them. When I gathered some courage to ask the women how they felt about these underlying challenges, they acknowledged these barriers as a part of their lives. They did not seem to view these limitations as true challenges, suggesting that this is simply how things are expected to be. Some said they had learned to accept these constraints as a part of their lives, while others expressed a desire for change but felt powerless to challenge the deeply entrenched social norms. They viewed it as an inevitable part of their lives, deeply rooted in the patriarchal structures and societal norms that dictate their roles, reflecting a broader culture of gender-based oppression that restricts women’s agency and decision-making power in many rural communities. Another telling observation was that women, when in the presence of their spouse, often refrained from expressing their true opinions. Instead, they tended to provide insincere responses and consented to their partner’s suggestions. This phenomenon highlights the pervasive influence of patriarchal norms on women’s ability to voice their genuine concerns and participate fully in the community discourse. Those who resist or advocate for their rights are often labelled as disruptive to the community or stigmatized as rebellious, which also discourages others from standing out. For instance, one of the presidents of a CFI faced various obstacles in her leadership tenure. She shared her experience of leading the council and making decisions that favoured both the community and the environment. Despite her efforts, she was accused of accepting bribes and misusing funds because she refused to collaborate with government officials in the logging of trees from the forests. Her refusal was perceived as a challenge to the status quo, and her critics, driven by patriarchal attitudes, leveraged these accusations to undermine her leadership and discredit her actions.
In addition to navigating the gender dynamics in this region, I also encountered the significant influence of caste. In a country like India, where religion and caste form the foundation of social identity, opinions and perspectives are deeply shaped by these factors. As an upper-caste Brahmin, I have been advantaged to receive the societal privileges that come with this identity. However, in the Central Himalayas, particularly in the Kumaun region of Uttarakhand, there is a tendency to segregate from those of lower castes and minorities, leading to the formation of separate hamlets predominantly inhabited by the Scheduled Castes (SC). During my surveys, I was often asked my last name before people would engage in conversation with me. My last name “Pandey,” which signifies my Brahmin identity, consistently worked in my favour before I even began interviewing people. Upper or middle-caste women frequently advised me not to visit those from lower castes or drink water in their homes, warning that “these Harijans will show us an attitude and will throw tantrums that we fed water and food to the upper-caste woman; now we also belong to your category, and have full right to live amongst you”.
At first, I believed that women, knowing how they understand suppression and oppression in all forms of social norms and tradition, would understand the pain and difficulties faced by women from marginalized communities. I thought they would be more empathetic and willing to advocate for the rights of these disadvantaged women, given their own experiences with gender-based discrimination. However, I soon realized that the ingrained Brahmanical patriarchy and societal pressures have often hindered even the so-called empowered women from truly standing up for the marginalized and challenging the entrenched power structures. Witnessing the dominant caste women contribute to the existing power imbalances was a stark reminder of the pervasive nature of societal conditioning. The dominant castes in the community are often complicit in perpetuating the existing social hierarchies and oppressive practices, including through the exclusion of lower-caste women from decision-making processes in community-based institutions (Haq, 2013). The deeply embedded social hierarchies, particularly the women of lower castes and the challenges they face, were brought to the forefront, prompting me to confront my own complicity in perpetuating these structures.
Given my objective to study the role of women leaders and also to examine the intersection of gender with other social factors, I was determined to interview women across all castes, classes, and other social identities. However, the segregation of lower-caste communities into isolated hamlets, located in remote and hard-to-reach areas far from town, local markets, or dominant community neighborhoods, posed significant challenges, making it difficult for me to reach and engage with women from these marginalized communities. Despite my efforts to seek help to reach out to them, I could not fully overcome the barriers created by communal divisions and geographic isolation.
Ultimately, my goal is to contribute to a body of knowledge that is not only academically rigorous but also socially responsible and ethically grounded. I believe that research has the power to effect positive change, but only if it is conducted with a deep respect for the communities it seeks to understand and a commitment to amplifying the voices of those who are too often silenced. Addressing these systemic challenges will be crucial to fostering true gender equity and empowering women’s voices and decision-making in the community. This research journey has been a profound learning experience, one that has challenged my assumptions and pushed me to confront my own biases. It is a journey that I am still navigating and one that I am committed to pursuing with humility, integrity, and dedication to social justice.
Notes
*Central Himalayas in India refers to the Kumaun and Garhwal regions in the state of Uttarakhand.
*Upper-Caste-Brahmin is the highest-ranking of India’s four castes or varnas, hereditary Hindu social classes. With their history of religious prestige and a tradition of education, Brahmins hold an elevated position in society.
*Middle Caste refers to groups in India that traditionally belong to the warrior or merchant classes within the country’s four major castes, or Varnas.
*Scheduled Castes (SC) refers to the group at the bottom of the Hindu caste hierarchy. Deemed untouchable from a ritual point of view, they were traditionally excluded from mainstream Hindu society.
*Harijan refers to people from Schedule Castes in the central Himalayan landscape.
References
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- Pandey, N. (2018). Gender Dimensions of Forest Dependency and Management in Uttarakhand: A Study of Jaunsar-Bawar Forest Division. Journal of Mountain Science. 15(5):1081-1093.
- Prasanna, C. K. (2016). Claiming the Public Sphere: Menstrual Taboos and the Rising Dissent in India. Agenda. 30(3): 91-95.
- Stevens, M., & Krishnamurthy, R. (2022). ‘If There is Jangal (forest), There is Everything’: Exercising Stewardship Rights and Responsibilities in Van Panchayat Community Forests, Johar Valley, Uttarakhand, India. In Routledge Handbook of Community Forestry edited By Janette Bulkan, John Palmer, Anne M. Larson and Mary Hobley. 1st edition. Pp. 372-396. Routledge.
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Kavya Pandey is a doctoral fellow at the Centre for Wildlife Studies.