Every 14 April, people all over the world commemorate Dr Babasaheb Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar’s birth anniversary, also known as Bhim Jayanti. Ambedkar is the architect of the Indian Constitution, an economist, a social reformer, a global symbol of equality and renowned political leader. This year is Dr. Ambedkar’s 135th birthday, and on this occasion let’s revisit his contributions to the women’s rights movement in India as while critically examining Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches (BAWS), I discovered that Dr. Ambedkar is not just the father of Indian constitution but a foremost feminist of independent India and one of the few prominent intellectuals of his time who strongly advocated for Indian women’s rights movement and empowerment. His writings are also considered feminist classics because they draw on both their authorial genius and the opportunities presented by modern interpretative appropriations.

Ambedkar’s contributions to India’s feminist and women’s rights movement are immensely relevant and vital. However, in some Indian universities today, we rarely encounter Babasaheb Ambedkar’s writings in the curricula of social sciences. It is appalling that scholars are awarded research degrees in women’s studies in the academic world without ever having read Ambedkar’s writings and speeches. Fortunately, this picture has been improving since the 1990s, with some Dalit scholars in academia incorporating Ambedkar’s teachings into social science curricula—both theory and practice. Still, when we discuss feminist icons in India, why do some mainstream feminists often neglect Ambedkar’s contribution towards women’s empowerment in India? Why Ambedkar’s work is frequently referenced as an example of fighting against the caste system and not a fight for women’s empowerment, why do some of us often forget to appreciate the other components of his phenomenal work? I want the readers to think about it.

In contrast, Amrit Kaal and Viksit Bharat 2047 have been spearheaded by the vision of Nari Shakti and women-led development, and there are several headlines and massive propaganda on numerous campaigns associated with women in India launched by NDA such as Beti Bachao-Beti Padhao, which demonstrates that Indian women are still perceived as inferior in the country’s social structure. Why? The answer is quite straightforward: there are still many women in India who are not conscious about their rights nor do they know Ambedkar’s efforts for their freedom and equal rights. Even if some of them are aware, due to the existence of Brahmanism and Brahmanical Patriarchy in India, they do not want to challenge the systemic oppression and thus, they’re unable to break the chain that keeps them as the second sex. The acceptance of women’s autonomy and agency in particular subjects contrasted with decades of historical patriarchal notions that frequently denied women’s ownership and control over their rights. As a result, Ambedkar’s contribution to the equal rights of women must be carefully examined in light of several difficulties that continue to pose barriers for women. However, each individual who genuinely believes in equality must thoroughly examine and further spread Ambedkar’s thought-provoking work to the Indian feminist movement, regardless of their gender, caste, class, religion and so on.

Aside from the countless lectures emphasizing Ambedkar’s fundamental commitment to women’s equality, one must take a deep dive into Ambedkar’s theorization of the transitional character of caste and gender-based oppression in India. Not just women, but all like-minded fellows, should study Ambedkar’s seminal work ‘Caste in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis, and Development’ (BAWS, Vol.1, 5-22) which critically examined caste as endogamy and the inextricable nexus between caste and gender-based violence. Ambedkar explored the underlying causes of how women and their sexuality are controlled in India and he further demonstrates how severe control of women through sati, child marriage, and restrictions on widow remarriage were all invented to deal with the problematic concept of surplus women.

In addition, Ambedkar delves into the Manusmriti (Hindu law) and severely criticizes and demonstrates how Manusmriti is a key reason for the oppression of women in India. In essays such as ‘The Rise and Fall of the Hindu Woman’ (BAWS, Vol.17, Part 2, 109-30), ‘Riddle No. 18: Manu’s Madness or Brahmanic Explanation of the Origin of the Mixed Castes’ (BAWS, Vol.4, 215-25), and ‘Riddle No. 19: The Change from Paternity to Maternity: What did the Brahmans Wish to Gain by It?’ (BAWS, Vol. 4, 226-32) and ‘The Riddle of Rama and Krishna’ (BAWS, Vol. 4, Appendix I, 323-43), Ambedkar illustrate the double marginalisation that women have faced over centuries due to Manu’s demeaning opinion of women. The former text investigates Ambedkar’s definition of caste as endogamy, as well as the relationship between caste and women’s subjugation. The later essay examines the colonialist and nationalist divides of Indian history, and it rejects the prevailing idea of the Vedic period as a golden age for women. It also questioned the Hindu epics and its narrow thoughts on women. While elaborating the riddles, he was particularly extremely critical of Rama’s treatment of Sita in the Ramayana. Ambedkar’s extensive research into ancient writings proved that women’s rights were not always restricted; rather, they were supported in gracious ways.

Furthermore, Ambedkar’s work on the ‘Hindu Code Bill’, which combines ‘The Women and the Counter-Revolution’ (BAWS, Vol.3, 429-37) and ‘Discussions on the Hindu Code Bill’ (BAWS, Vol. 14, Part 1, 4-12, 267-81), unveils the Hindu Code Bill to facilitate the legal recognition of women as equal citizens of the country. He proposed the Hindu Code Bill in Parliament, emphasizing the concerns of women’s property rights. The bill allowed women the right to divorce and inheritance, the authority to adopt a child, the role of natural guardian for their children, and legal recognition for inter-caste marriages. What should be observed and underlined is Ambedkar’s stand-by suggestions and beliefs in the face of criticism from conservative members of parliament. In his resignation address, Ambedkar stated that, while he had been dissatisfied with the workings of the cabinet and administration for some time, he had never left before because he wanted the Hindu Code Bill to become law. When the bill was continually delayed and ultimately dropped due to a lack of time for discussions, Ambedkar resigned. It reflects how serious and radical Ambedkar was about the empowerment of women in India.

Besides his theoretical reflections, he made substantial contributions to the upliftment of women. Ambedkar encouraged women to be more involved in all parts of life, including politics, therefore as a law minister under British rule, he was among the first to push for working women’s rights. Ambedkar’s influence also resulted in the passing of several pro-women acts, such as the Equal Remuneration Act of 1976 and the Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961, which legally guaranteed women equal pay and criminalised dowry. Moreover, in the Bombay Legislative Assembly, he was a staunch advocate of family planning for women and introduced the Maternity Benefit Bill in 1942 while serving as a Labour Minister on the Governor General’s Executive Council. He put multiple provisions in the constitution to preserve women’s welfare and civil rights and ensured the enactment of a universal adult franchise, which legalized voting rights for women and other marginalized groups, such as assuring equal pay and rights for coal mine workers.

Nonetheless, Ambedkar penned extensively about women’s oppression and launched journals such as Mooknayak (1920) and Bahishkrit Bharat (1927) with sections dedicated specifically to women’s issues. The historic Mahad Satyagraha (1927) saw the involvement of 300 women as well as their male counterparts and at the same time addressing another gathering of over 3000 women, he stated, “I measure the progress of the community by the degree of progress which women had achieved.” The following words encapsulate how esteemed and crucial his thoughts are on women’s position in society and nation-building. Despite historical accounts and some contemporary poor assessments that frequently limit his attempts to uplift marginalized groups, especially Dalits, this perspective acknowledges Ambedkar’s significant contribution to the empowerment of women in India. Ambedkar believed in women’s strength and participation in social change and development. In January 1928, a women’s society was established by Ambedkar in Bombay, with Ramabai, Ambedkar’s wife, serving as president in the Kalaram Temple Entry Satyagraha in Nasik in 1930, in which 500 women participated. Moreover, in his well-known text ‘Pakistan or Partition of India’ (1945), he voiced his thoughts on the empowerment of Muslim women. It illustrates Ambedkar’s profound concern and belief in women’s (of all identities) progress and empowerment, as well as his long history of advocating for women’s rights, which earned him recognition as a feminist icon. Hence, in a composition on Ambedkar at Mahad on 25 December 2010, Shahir Arvind Akoliwala robustly points out,

“…By rejecting the law of King Manu,

He brought benefits to the entire woman caste

Pratibha-tai and Mayawati too can now advise the world.”

Babasaheb Ambedkar wanted to build a society based on liberty, justice, and equality for everyone; he recognized women’s equal place in society and worked legally and constitutionally to secure it at a time when no one else was discussing it. What he sacrificed and faced while fighting for women’s rights single-handedly is beyond our imaginations. Ambedkar led the women’s movement not just through his words but also by his acts and thus, his contribution to India’s feminist movement cannot be overlooked. As the path toward a more equal and just society continues, it is important to recognize and acknowledge the contributions of Babasaheb Ambedkar, one of the foremost feminist statesmen of an independent India. Every Indian woman must proudly shout out ‘Jai Bhim’—not just on Ambedkar’s Birth Anniversary, but every day while countering Brahmanical patriarchy, only if she is truly conscious of her socio-political rights and believes that she is an equal citizen of this country.

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Shivani Waldekar is an Ambedkarite feminist and a young research scholar. She is a first-generation learner, pursued her Bachelor’s and Masters in Sociology from Rashtrasanta Tukadoji Maharaj Nagpur University, Nagpur and also has completed her Masters in Social Work in Livelihoods and Social Entrepreneurship from TISS, Mumbai. Apart from this, she has also pursued an MSc in Research in Social and Political Sciences at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland, United Kingdom.  Her short pieces have been featured in India’s popular online platforms such as Round Table India, Velivada, Feminism in India, and Countercurrent.org showcasing strong gender, an anti-caste and intersectional perspective. Her first collection of poems was published by Bookleaf Publishing. In addition, her academic writings are published at SAGE VOD, etc. Her research interest involves studying marginalized communities especially women with an intersectional and reflexive lens and is committed to bringing their narratives to the forefront both in academia and policy.  In addition, she loves to write on caste, gender, Dalit women, Sociology of love, etc. Here are her social media handles – Twitter, Facebook and Instagram.