Sport is a pervasive social institution in nearly every society around the world. To ignore sport is to overlook a phenomenon that extends into the multitude of social arenas, including the arts, mass media, the economy, the community, and international diplomacy (Delaney, 2015). The term derives its root from ‘disport’, meaning to divert oneself.  There is a lack of consensus among sports sociologists on how to define sports; few of them have tried. Jay Coakley (2003) defines sports as ‘institutionalised competitive activities that involve rigorous physical exertion or the use of relatively complex physical skills by participants motivated by internal and external rewards.’

As a discipline, Sociology of Sports has been in existence for at least four decades. When people consider the early sport sociologists, most point to Kenyon and Loy’s 1965 article ‘Toward a Sociology of Sport’ and Harry Edwards’ 1973 publication ‘Sociology of Sport.’ We believe that Thorstein Veblen’s Theory of the Leisure Class (1899) establishes him as an early pioneer of sport sociology, considering sports as a part of leisure.

Who participates in sports, and what are the important factors that affect sports participation? It is a very crucial question. As a social institution, sport is a privileged one, similar to religion, which, by being close to the hearts of society, often escapes necessary scrutiny (Anderson and White, 2018). The most prevalent of these issues are inequality, division, and discrimination.

Case of Gender

Historically, women have been denied equal access to sport participation. Much of this had to do with the patriarchal (male-dominated) design of most nations around the world throughout history. Because sport has traditionally been viewed as a masculine endeavour, females born into a patriarchal system were discouraged from playing sports. (Delaney, 2015).

However, as Morgan, Meier, and Schneider (2001) explain, no sport requires the possession of male genitalia to perform. Needing some sort of justification to keep females out of sport, patriarchies created some myths associated with female sport participation. Among the myths we found were: A woman’s uterus will fall out if she plays sports; if a woman is pushed too much physically, she will lose her emotional stability; ‘Some critics believe that sport participation defeminizes women (meaning that it makes some women less attractive, either physically or mentally, in some men’s eyes), or that women (or sometimes their not-yet-conceived children) might suffer some physiological damage’ (Morgan et al. 2001: 208).

In the case of India, there is little mention of women’s clubs or players in any historical research conducted. Even the media has played a very important role in widening the gender gap. Numerous examples can be cited to show this gap. For example, Sania Mirza was criticised by Muslim organisations for wearing women’s tennis attire, which is considered inappropriate in Islam. As per sportswoman turned politician Jyotir Moyee Sikdar ‘If a woman player does well, her husband becomes the coach and is given the Dronacharya award’ (Abhyuday, 2021).

In spite of the meritorious achievements of women in sports in Kerala, women’s participation is often discouraged by parents and teachers, as they consider it to be immoral in certain contexts. The desperate reason behind this ill-treatment is attributed to their negative attitude towards sports and defective perception of sports participation. Some of the teachers even go to the extent of threatening students involved in sports. Making it worse, many athletes are victimised in examinations because they participate in sports (Joseph, 2018).

One such study was by Bhalerao in 2003. It is her Ph.D. theory, which is about gender issues in sports. The title of which is ‘Analysis of issues confronted by women players who partake in interuniversity sport rivalries.’ This postulation examines the issues particular to young women players at the college level. Bhalerao’s study is based on college players; thus, the young women are fundamentally playing at one level, and likewise, they are in the same age group. She has utilised three strategies for information gathering‒a poll, meetings and perceptions.

The world of sport, which struggles to accommodate men and women equally, also struggles to involve athletes of the LGBTQIA+ community, with multiple professional athletes facing severe consequences as a result of their sexuality. Indian athlete Dutee Chand came out and became India’s first openly gay athlete. This move, though internationally applauded, led to Chand being disowned by her village and facing harassment and threats (Dhillon, 2019).

Case of Race and Class

However, gender is not the only ground on which discrimination is visible in the realm of sport. Racial discrimination and inequality, a pressing issue for the entire society, carry forward into sports as it functions on every level, starting from participation in basic school games to international championships and events. The common assumption that continues to be popular a belief is that black athletes will excel in sports that involve running. Asian athletes, on the other hand, are expected to excel in sports such as karate, judo, and kabaddi, which are native to their land and suitable for their body structures (Delaney, 2015).

Intersectionality is a lens that is imperative in understanding how existing social hierarchies continue to be reflected in sport, even as sport offers a space to break out and offer resistance. The democratic impulse that sports offer is often difficult to surmount, given the class barriers that emerge with the expensive investment that sport today requires (Gopal, 2021).

Among these barriers are those of social class and economic divisions. Sport, although a universally accessible activity, becomes harder to access for millions with the growth of capitalism and inequality in income structures. Certain sports like basketball, football, and athletics are available to society at large since facilities for the same are publicly available at limited costs. However, various sports require significant expenditure on equipment, training, club memberships, etc., which become harder to access for the majority of the population, limiting participation to the select few who can afford the sport. Various sports like golf, polo, and tennis were initially leisure activities for the wealthy that were then given the status of sports that could be pursued professionally (Popat, 2021).

The majority of lower-income families cannot even afford to train their children in certain sports, limiting their access to the sports available in schools, community centres, and parks. Economic inequality also affects the choice of sport, where people from lower classes move towards sports that require strength, power, and masculinity, along with physical violence and risk. Sports that require a modest or no amount of money to participate see the most significant participation, with numbers dwindling as the costs go up to sports that are simply out of the reach of the masses (Popat, 2021).

However, sports can also be a great leveller in society. The study of Max Gluckman on Anthropology of Football in Britain, in which he argued that village football symbolised the feelings of identity and community of the village, despite major divisions in the village. The football in the city represented the pride of the city and evoked feelings of community. (Gordon, 2015). In the Indian context, the Indian Wrestling (Akharas), a sport which is not caste specific nor directly implicated in caste hierarchy, but a way of life. It is not restricted to any one class or caste of people, rural or urban. In general, it tends to defy classification. (Alter, 1992).

References

Abhyuday. (2021). Gender discrimination in Indian sports. International Journal of Law Management and Humanities, 4(5), 1–10. https://doi.org/ISSN2581-5369

Alter, J. S. (1992). The wrestler’s body: Identity and ideology in North India. University of California Press.

Anderson, E., & White, A. (2018). Sport, theory, and social problems: A critical introduction (2nd ed.). Routledge.

Bharatiya Stree Shakti. (2005). A study in gender issues in sport in India. National Commission for Women.

Delaney, T., & Madigan, T. (2015). The sociology of sports: An introduction (2nd ed.). McFarland & Company.

Dhillon, A. (2019, June 5). It’s humiliating for us: Village disowns Dutee Chand, India’s first openly gay athlete. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/05/dutee-chand-india-athlete-coming-out

Gopal, M., & Prakash, P. (2021). Sports studies in India: Expanding the field. Oxford University Press.

Gordon, R., & Grundlingh, M. (2015). Going for the reds: Max Gluckman and the anthropology of football. Palgrave Macmillan.

Joseph, J., & Ramachandran, A. (2018). Interest and attitude towards involvement in sports among youth in Kerala. Online International Interdisciplinary Research Journal, 8(Special Issue 1), 1–8.

Meier, V. K., Morgan, J. W., & Schneider, J. A. (2001). Ethics in sports. Human Kinetics.

Popat, S. (2021). The mythical level playing field: A study of inequality and discrimination in the world of sport. International Journal of Law Management and Humanities, 4(2), 2832–2837.

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Deepak Rathour has completed a BA (Hons.) in Sociology from Hindu College, University of Delhi, and is currently pursuing a Ph.D. from Bundelkhand University, Jhansi.