As India has entered its 77^th year of independence, it becomes imperative to scrutinize the contemporary political landscape, the prevailing apparatus of governance, and the democratic underpinnings of the nation. Amidst the backdrop of the impending 2024 General Election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s proclamation reverberates profoundly as he unequivocally asserts that the corrosive affliction of dynastic politics shall not be allowed to undermine the foundations of India’s democracy. This categorical assertion encapsulates the quintessence of dynastic parties, whose operational philosophy is epitomized by the adage “of the family, by the family, and for the family,” thereby underscoring their unwavering allegiance to their party’s interests and the familial lineage.

Amid these festivities, a critical juncture arises that impels us to deliberate on the sustenance of democracy itself, involving a comprehensive exploration of its cardinal tenets and the actors that jeopardize their continuity. An objective reflection on history reveals that before the advent of Modi’s leadership, the spectre of nepotism had infested not solely the Congress Party but had also extended its insidious influence into regional entities such as the Samajwadi Party, Rashtriya Lok Dal, and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. This era was marked by rampant corruption, exemplified by the egregious 2G spectrum scandal. Nevertheless, the pivotal question under Modi’s regime remains deeply entrenched in his efficacy in countering nepotism within the corridors of his administration. This intricate mosaic emblemizes the pervasiveness of nepotism within the Bharatiya Janata Party (B.J.P.), with approximately 12 per cent of its parliamentary representatives, spanning both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, emanating from dynastic pedigrees.

A profound quandary takes centre stage in the realm of dynastic parties: Who constitutes these dynastic entities, and upon whom should the electorate bestow their trust? A nuanced dissection mandates contemplation of the pros and cons of this phenomenon, all the while cognizant that the tendrils of nepotism have permeated, to varying degrees, through the corridors of all major political formations. At the core of this discourse lies the spectre of corruption. The B.J.P. vociferously proclaims its stewardship over a regime characterized by transparency and the absence of corruption during its nine-year incumbency. However, this proclamation hinges upon validation—a process inherently obfuscated by the fact that accountability and transparency are contingent upon a potential shift in governance. The issue of investigatory agencies, such as the Central Bureau of Investigation (C.B.I.) and the Enforcement Directorate (E.D.), disproportionately targeting non-BJP political parties further complicates this intricate tapestry. The paucity of concrete evidence substantiating the B.J.P.’s assertion of an unblemished record underscores the narrative of manipulation and politicization of ostensibly autonomous institutions.

As India hurtles toward the 2024 General Election, set against coalition politics and the prime minister’s steadfast stance against dynasty-centric politics, the political landscape is characterized by two distinct paradigms—the Indian National Development and Inclusive Alliance (I.N.D.I.A.), coalition by 26 political parties led by Indian National Congress (INC) and the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (N.D.A.), a coalition of 38 political parties. This juncture signifies a heightened manifestation of what Sunil Khilnani has aptly designated as ‘pure politics,‘ encapsulating a political arena typified by an uncompromising pursuit of power that frequently tramples upon democratic protocols. The collective approach of I.N.D.I.A. seems to create a common platform to counter BJP-led NDA’s pure politics. However, one significant hurdle for the opposition is its fragmented ideology. There is most likely an internal debate over whether I.N.D.I.A. should oppose all government policies that potentially erode the nation’s democratic structure or adopt a more pragmatic approach to secure votes from larger Hindu electorates. For example, the opposition is expected to face the government’s decision on a uniform civil code, which is most likely possible in the upcoming year at the onset of upcoming general elections. In that case: What will the opposition stand on this? Will it be collectively opposed to such decisions, or will it be fragmented and break into different ideologies?

The notable thing is that the BJP’s governance strategy is deeply rooted in a majoritarian electoral approach, where at each juncture of the opposition’s decision to resist such decisions like uniform civil cord or India vs. Bharat debate (emerged recently due to mentioning as “president of Bharat” in place of president of India on official invitation dinner for G20 summit) may have negative implications for opposition’s electoral prospects. The opposition faces the challenge of aligning their ideological diversity with electoral realities while navigating the BJP’s dominant majoritarian electoral politics.

So, is there any ground for a third political entity on the horizon, free of the philosophy “of the family, by the family, and for the family,” positioned beyond the sphere delineated by the I.N.D.I.A. coalition and the N.D.A. alliance? This realm, predominantly comprised of regional entities with limited national resonance, underscores the dearth of substantive influence. Within this context, the insight articulated by C.D. Berns assumes heightened significance: Just as it would be irrational to substitute a motorcar with a bullock cart in the event of a vehicular malfunction, the Indian electorate faces the dilemma of aligning with a party that prioritizes the pursuit of substantial democratic principles over mere proceduralists. The core of this dilemma is discerning the true agents of progress—akin to motorcars in Berns’s metaphor—contrasted against those that symbolize stagnation, analogous to the bullock carts.

The narrative extends beyond this dyadic framework, inviting contemplation of alternative forces poised to usher in a new era characterized by substantial democratic governance. Whether emerging from the faction of Ambedkarites, the grassroots of feminist movements, or the elite agrarian politics, the prospect of novel entrants navigating the labyrinth of ‘pure politics’ remains a tantalizing possibility. This evolving narrative transcends the imminent General Election, extending into the broader tapestry of future political landscapes. 

As India traverses the trajectory leading up to the 2024 general election, the discourse surrounding its democratic fabric assumes a multifaceted complexity. The contours of this discourse delineate a nation grappling with the intricacies of dynasty politics, corruption, and the quest for substantive democratic governance. The dialectical interplay between the I.N.D.I.A. coalition and the N.D.A. alliance underscores the interplay between power dynamics and principled governance. However, the conversation transcends this binary, beckoning the emergence of alternative forces poised to recalibrate the very essence of Indian politics. The ultimate embodiment of democracy hinges upon the proactive cultivation of alternatives that transcend the established binary—a symphony of democratic values that resonates beyond the confines of ‘pure politics.’

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Arjun Yadav is a Research Associate at an N.G.O. headquartered in Gujarat. He has previously worked on Identity Politics in North India at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Gandhinagar.