Sikhs in the Deccan and North-East India by Birinder Pal Singh (published by Routledge in 2018) provides a comprehensive overview of various Sikh communities in different regions of India. It aims to gather specific and comprehensive first-hand empirical evidence for the first time about the Mazhabi Sikhs in Shillong and Guwahati/Dispur, the Axomiya Sikhs of Nagaon in the northeastern region of India, and the Dakhani Sikhs, as well as the tribal Sikligar and Banjara Sikhs in the Deccan. The study achieves its goal of not only identifying the segments of the Sikh community spread across the Indian subcontinent but also highlighting those who need urgent attention from the government to improve their current challenging circumstances. Sikhs in Punjab often believe they can never be a part of impoverished slums, despite their circumstances, because they are seen as a thriving and prosperous community. This study showed the diversity within the Sikh population, which political and religious leaders often overlook. Instead, they tend to portray Sikhs as a single, homogeneous group following Sikhism.

The Sikh faith promotes optimism (chardikala), honest labour (kirat karo), remembrance of God’s name (Naam japo), finding contentment in life, and faith in the will of God (bhana manno), known as Waheguru. The “wand chhako” principle involves sharing earnings with others, but this practice is rare among Sikhs, except for charitable activities and donations to a gurdwara. Sikhism focuses on the present while honouring its historical roots, and the Sikh prayer, ardas, summarizes the religious history of Sikhism.

An in-depth study of 1,011 respondents from the Northeast and the Deccan region shows variations in the socio-economic status of the Sikh community. The study focuses on two distinct Sikh groups, the Dakhani and the Axomiya Sikhs, highlighting their similarities and differences. The study covers various Sikh communities, including Mazhabis, Sikligars, and Banjaras, and their demographics, migration, caste system, social and religious practices, and cultural orientations.

The Axomiya and Dakhani Sikhs share similar migration patterns, descending from Sikh soldiers of Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s army dispatched to assist the Nizam in the Deccan in 1830 and the Ahom ruler in 1820. Despite their common origins, they developed distinct sociological characteristics influenced by different socio-economic, political, cultural, and historical contexts. Unlike their counterparts in the Deccan, in Assam they lacked direction and support, compelling them to pursue agriculture as a means of livelihood. Due to varying economic circumstances, the occupations and lifestyles of the descendants of the Dakhani Sikhs have diverged. Primarily residing in urban areas, they are not involved in agricultural activities. They prefer salaried employment over business and agriculture, irrespective of the nature of work. The individuals assert that their lineage is rooted in service rather than business or agriculture, as their forebears belonged to a service-oriented class. With the absence of state patronage, they have diversified into various menial occupations and service-oriented roles such as operating autorickshaws, taxis, or other forms of transportation. Additionally, they volunteer at gurdwaras and many secure low-ranking positions in government and private sector offices.

The Axomiya and Dakhani Sikhs both prioritize the Sikh religion over caste and gotra while considering marriage. They require individuals to be amritdhari, and this condition is incorporated into the rehat approved by the SGPC. The two communities use caste classifications for practical purposes, primarily as general castes or Scheduled Castes, with some members also claiming OBC status. This seemingly contradictory situation is due to their disadvantaged socio-economic status in a state where welfare schemes are allocated based on caste. Consequently, caste serves as a means for them to access state benefits, education, scholarships, subsidies, and public-sector employment. Government regulations also require applicants to declare their caste category, further emphasizing the significance of caste in their interactions with state institutions. In both regions, only the educated and affluent who have arranged marriages for their children outside the region, particularly in cities like Patna, Delhi, Bombay, and Punjab, associate themselves with gotras.

The two communities, the Axomiya and Dakhani Sikhs, differ in their habitats and economic activities. The Axomiya Sikhs are primarily rural agricultural workers, while their descendants seek employment with education and are also involved in trading and various forms of employment, similar to the Dakhani Sikhs. The present study has brought forth several issues that warrant further research. It is evident that both the communities and their living conditions – encompassing material, social, cultural, and political aspects – necessitate deeper examination to fully understand the complexity of their socio-economic status and the challenges they face in the realm of caste.

The study showcases the resilience of Sikhs settled in different regions of the country. Despite economic challenges, they maintain their Sikh identity, actively participate in religious celebrations, and remain in high spirits. Their ability to thrive in the face of adversity is truly inspiring. However, their main concern is the lack of understanding of the Punjabi language, a barrier they are determined to overcome.

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Pallavi Sanil is a doctoral scholar in Sociology at the Central University of Punjab.