The reverence for the holy cow in India is deeply entrenched in religious, social, and political realms, shaping the country’s cultural landscape for centuries. This article explores the multifaceted nature of the sacred cow, tracing its evolution from a revered symbol in Hinduism to a contentious political issue. Additionally, it examines the complex interplay between cow protection, caste dynamics, and identity politics, shedding light on the significance of beef consumption as an act of resistance and assertion, particularly within marginalized communities.

The Symbolic Significance of the Holy Cow in Indian Culture

S.M. Batra succinctly captures the common perception of the Indian holy cow:

“The cow is held in great reverence by the Hindus. She occupies a place closer to the divine and there is hardly any temple where the cow does not figure prominently. The concept of the sacredness of the cow is deeply ingrained in the thoughts, feelings, and aspirations of Hindus so much so that her protection and care are considered as a religious duty. There is a strong abhorrence for killing and eating the flesh of a cow. They have become so inviolable that in big cities they wander unmolested through the busiest traffic. Even a bull that gores a man to death may not be touched. The mere slaughter of a cow has led to many communal riots during pre as well as post-Independence period leading to a loss of several human lives and valuable property in India (Batra, 1986:163)”.

Cow in India for centuries has been a divisive ‘political animal’. The focus on Cow as a socio-political issue took on unparalleled importance at the start of the twentieth century in the context of the Indian independence movement, which was also the time when Hindu and Muslim identities were getting consolidated. Dayananda Saraswati, the leader of the Hindu reformist group Arya Samaj, founded societies to safeguard cows (Heimsath, 2015). Sandria B. Freitag has studied the evolution of the Uttar Pradesh-based Gaurakshini Sabha, or Cow Protection Society. Freitag argues that all the reformist nationalist organizations, though conflicting at times, “worked to achieve together that important and new goal: consciousness among Hindus that they constituted members of an identifiable community” (Freitag, 1980: 605). The sacred cow was used as a unifying symbol of Hinduism for both urban and rural populations since it was the only animal that “could have easily bridged the gap connecting the Great and Little Traditions, as well as rural values and urban quests for communal identity” (ibid: 614). Groups dedicated to the conservation of cows began focusing not only on Muslims but also on other communities (such as the Banjaras and Chamars) whose livelihoods and customs involved cows.

Cow Protection: From Religious Duty to Political Tool

The post-independence period saw the debate over cows and beef entering the political arena, strengthening the Hindu vote base and escalating tensions amongst communities. Christophe Jaffrelot provides evidence of how right-wing organizations utilized campaigns to outlaw cow slaughter in the 1960s as political propaganda during election seasons (Jaffrelot, 1999). The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) employed a tried-and-tested tactic of political mobilization through the use of Hindu religious symbolism in the 2014 general election. Among other things, The Party manifesto declared that “Given the contribution of cow and its progeny to agriculture, socio-economic and cultural life of our country, the Department of Animal Husbandry will be suitably strengthened and empowered for the protection and promotion of cow and its progeny” (Bharatiya Janata Party, 2014, p. 41). Popular slogans like “Modi ko matdan, gai ko jeevedan” and “BJP ka sandesh: bachegi gai, bachegi desh” served as the foundation for their electoral campaign. (Roy, 2014).

The idea and practice of cow protection have gained traction since the BJP came to power in 2014. The problems surrounding cows and beef consumption have surfaced in politics in recent years, but more significantly, they have had an impact on the relations and daily lives of common people in both rural and urban areas. There has been a significant rise in cases where the sacred cow has been the driving cause for religious (anti-Muslim) and caste (anti-Dalit) conflicts, resulting in bloodshed, mob lynchings, and a vicious communal atmosphere. Right-wing groups have had a free run ensuing violence against whatever they perceive to be anti-Hindu. These incidents suggest that the cow issue is rooted in strong religious and caste sentiments, and that attempts to ban the consumption of beef from public areas are attempts to maintain the perpetual dominance of the upper caste and their cultural hegemony.

Beef, Caste, and Identity: A Dalit Perspective

Against this backdrop, it is important to note that in India, food serves not only as a tool of domination but also as a site of emancipatory imagination and a tool of resistance (Garalytė, 2023). In some Dalit communities, the consumption of beef does not only bring societal shame but also acts to assertively express one’s identity. The SC community in Tamil Nadu, known as the Paraiyars, transformed the previously negative emblems of pollution, the parai drum and beef into positive representations of Dalit culture, as demonstrated by C.J. Arun. According to Arun, a drumming competition between a Brahmin and a Paraiyar was part of a cultural show. The Paraiyars after winning the contest asserted:

“Do you know the secret of my energy? I eat beef every day. Your sambar (lentil and vegetable stew, mostly eaten in these parts by Brahmins who are vegetarian) is useless. Come tomorrow and I will ask the butcher to give you a half kilo of beef and 250 grams of bone (Arun, 2007, p. 100)”.

Arun’s study demonstrates how the Paraiyar community “de-polluted” themselves by reconsidering the meanings they had previously attached to themselves. The symbols of beef and parai drum, which had previously served as the primary cause of pollution and the inferior status of the Paraiyar people, now served as the foundation for their pride.

Resisting Hegemony: The Politics of Beef Consumption in India

Kancha Ilaiah, a doyen among Shudra intellectuals has written a lot about the politics of beef in India. Regarding beef, Iliaiah says in his 1996 article that:

“The food rights of people form part of their civil and democratic rights. The discourse that vegetarian food is morally superior has no validity for those who are historically habituated to eating meat and beef. Among many castes and communities in India, for example, a festival cannot be imagined without meat. Vegetarian food in such communities is treated as inferior food. If a guest is served with vegetarian food, it is considered a humiliation. Among many castes and communities, some jokes ridicule vegetarianism. Indian society has been co-existing with all these practices and must be allowed to do so…. If beef is banned it will be the beginning of the end of the country’s multiculturalism. Cultural plurality has been the essence of Indian society (Ilaiah, 2017)”.

Serving and consuming beef in public in India has a striking resemblance to the 1927 incident in Mahad, where Ambedkar joined the untouchable castes in drawing water from the Chavdar Tale. Ambedkar said, “We are not going to the Chavdar Tank to merely drink its water. We are going to the Tank to assert that we too are human beings like others. It must be clear that this meeting has been called to set up the norm of equality”.

It is not feasible or economically sustainable for marginalized groups to give up beef consumption. Furthermore, if equality is a fundamental tenet of democracy and India claims to be the world’s most populous democracy then equality must start with the freedom to eat whatever one needs, desires, and enjoys. Food laws cannot and should not be implemented unless they entail eating endangered animals, which is an ostentatious indulgence of the ultra-wealthy (Ilaiah, 2019). In actuality, Indians are already more likely to eat beef than Brahminical pretences let many acknowledge. It’s not like just Dalits and Muslims line up at Hyderabad’s and other Indian cities’ beef stands; others do so covertly as well. Stories of several non-Dalits, such as Shudras and members of the dominant castes, consuming beef are frequently heard. The problem is that not many will acknowledge this in public.

In conclusion, the symbolism of the holy cow in India encapsulates a complex interplay of religious devotion, socio-political manoeuvring, and cultural identity. While it remains a revered symbol for many Hindus, its politicization has fueled tensions and divisions within Indian society. The issue of beef consumption emerges not only as a matter of dietary preference but also as a battleground for asserting autonomy and challenging entrenched hierarchies. As India grapples with questions of pluralism and democracy, the debate surrounding the holy cow serves as a microcosm of larger struggles for social justice and equality.

References:

Arun, C.J., 2007. From Stigma to Self-assertion: Paraiyars and the Symbolism of the Parai Drum. Contributions to Indian Sociology, 41(1):81-104.

Batra, S.M., 1986. The Sacredness of the Cow in India. Social Compass, 33(2-3): 163-175.

Bhamse, S. (2024). The Mahad Satyagraha and the Question of ‘Untouchability’. The Wire. https://thewire.in/caste/the-mahad-satyagraha-and-the-question-of-untouchability

Bharatiya Janata Party. (2014). Ek Bharath Shreshtha Bharath. Sabka Saath Sabka Vikaas. Election Manifesto 2014. http://www.bjp.org/images/pdf_2014/full_manifesto_ english_07.04.2014.pdf

Freitag, S.B., 1980. Sacred Symbol as Mobilizing Ideology: The North Indian Search for a “Hindu” Community. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 22(4):597-625.

Garalytė, K., 2023. Imagining an Anti-caste Utopia Through Food. CASTE: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion, 4(2):230-252.

Heimsath, C.H., 2015. Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform: 2232. Princeton University Press.

Ilaiah, K. (2017, October). Beef, BJP and Food Rights of People: Reading Kancha Ilaiah’s 1996 Article. Economic & Political Weekly. https://www.epw.in/engage/article/beef-bjp-andfood-rights-people

Ilaiah, K. (2019, November 1). The Fight for Beef as a Democratic Right. The Caravan. https://caravanmagazine.in/reportage/fight-beef-democratic-right

Jaffrelot, C., 1999. The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics: 1925 to the 1990s: Strategies Of Identity-Building, Implantation And Mobilization (With Special Reference To Central India). Penguin Books India.

Roy, S. (2014, July 26). The Dawn of Narendra Modi Marks the End of Nehruvian India. Huffington Post.  http://www.huffingtonpost.com/sandip-roy/the-dawn-of-narendramodi_b_5393849.html

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Sahil is pursuing a Master’s in International Relations at South Asian University (SAU), New Delhi. His research interests are in popular culture and conflict and peace studies.