Representational image. Source: PTI

The COVID-19 pandemic turned our lives upside down. Practising face-masking and physical distancing are some precautions to mitigate its spread, especially in public places that are a hub of social interactions. Based on my field notes from three days of observation, this essay explores the extent to which people follow these preventive measures in a popular marketplace near a crossroad in Lucknow. According to Tedlock (1991) and Glesne (2005), participant observation by a researcher ranges from being entirely observer to fully participant. In terms of this continuum, I was primarily an observer.

Since the field was close to where I live, it was easy to visit it during mornings, noons, and evenings. I spent my time roaming about observing people and sitting on the stairs outside an ice cream parlour, noting down those observations. As I spent more time in the field, I became more aware of the arrival/departure times of some transportations on the crossroad, along with the locations and opening/closing times of several make-shift stalls in that area.

The Field

There was a lot of rush at the crossroad during weekday mornings due to school/office-goers. A few of them were on foot, but a majority used vehicles. Among the permanent establishments in the market were a restaurant, female beauty parlour, ice cream shop, general store, and jewellery shop. A tea stall, gol-gappa stall, Chinese eatery, jalebi-kachauri outlet, three fruit stalls, and five toy stalls were the make-shift/temporary shops. I mainly heard conversations in the Hindi language. Some workers (in uniforms) chatted with the guard during their lunch hour in front of the restaurant. Most of these shops got super busy during the weekend evenings. The shopkeepers, sellers, customers, and passers-by hailed from different socioeconomic backgrounds, religions, castes, and genders. Females dominated the field during the daytime, whereas more men were visible in the evenings/nights.

Observations

I noticed a difference in people’s behaviours inside a school bus and a public bus when they stopped at the red traffic light. People inside the school bus wore masks and practised physical distancing while sitting. But several people inside the public bus were without masks. They also sat very close to each other; many were even standing to accommodate maximum possible passengers. This variation could be related to the extent of strictness while imposing rules. The UP Government recently issued an order to reopen schools with precautions at 50% capacity. Furthermore, school authorities enforce these steps to prevent a rise in positive cases. Contrarily, authorities have relaxed monitoring of public activities (curfews, gatherings) due to decreasing cases.

A school van driver, apparently returning after dropping the children off, and an Ola cab driver, without a customer, were face-masked. Other than being aware, we could associate their behaviour with being part of establishments having the image of strictly following precautions to assure the safety of children/travellers. I also observed this “behaviour to avoid penalties” when people wore masks and physically distanced themselves from one another at the sight of policepersons. Relaxation in these precautions was immediately visible after the police left the vicinity. Police patrolling was prevalent during weekend evenings.

Different shops followed the precautions at different levels depending on the situation. Even though there was a small “no mask no entry” sign at the door of the ice-cream parlor, the unmasked owner and worker did not stop unmasked customers from entering. The restaurant guard mostly wore a mask on his chin. He only sprayed hand sanitisers on people who asked him for it but seemed to be more attentive at this task during police patrolling. Through the restaurant’s glass doors, I saw several food servers without masks. There were no signs about COVID-19 preventions on the restaurant’s doors, windows, or walls. In the jewellery shop close by, the workers and customers extensively followed physical distancing and face-masking on all days irrespective of the time. The guard was vigilant and stopped people without masks from entering the shop. The women workers and customers of the beauty parlour wore masks. One masked worker also requested a customer to book an appointment before arriving since it would help maintain physical distancing inside the parlour.

Masked fruit, toy, and tea vendors seemed to get most customers, indicating some fear about the coronavirus spread among the buyers. These sellers might be unaware of the importance of face-masking but practising it helped them earn money. Nonetheless, we cannot rule out the possibility of some level of awareness since one toy vendor face-masked his two kids playing nearby. A beggar woman, asking for alms, covered her nose and mouth with a dupatta (scarf) day and night, probably so that people could approach her without the fear of getting infected.

This behavioral variation seems to be an interplay of several factors. First, women generally followed precautions more than men at the crossroad and shops. Second, people in “expensive” cars typically wore masks more actively. It could be related to socioeconomic status, sometimes associated with higher educational background. Third, the awareness level is also a crucial factor. More aware people would wear masks because they understand the “science” involved. But the ones on the other end of the spectrum might either not wear a mask at all or wear it to avoid penalty or to live their lives without interruption. Conversations with people could provide a better idea of the role of this factor.

In the present times, an urge to remove masks for some time is understandable. However, violating COVID-19 preventive practices for hours as an excuse to breathe fresh air could increase our risk of contracting this disease. Listening to some conversations also revealed the misconception that these measures are unnecessary after vaccination. Placing visible signboards about these preventions and vaccination strategically in public places could be one of the ways to attract more attention, and perhaps, more active participation from people. Detailed interviews and discussions with people could throw light on their concerns about these precautionary steps.

Experiences

As expected, my fieldwork began with some stares from customers, sellers, and passers-by. They were curious about why I visited the area several times and constantly took notes. Whenever asked, I explained that I was doing this activity as a part of my college assignment. As I spent more time, I began to feel more accepted by the people in the field.

An elder and a shopkeeper approached me individually on two different days and asked why I was constantly wearing a mask even when COVID-19 is gone now. It shows that several people are not entirely aware of the pandemic, emphasising the need to communicate its science effectively.

I have been visiting this crossroad and its marketplace since my childhood. This area never seemed unfamiliar to me. However, when I went there as a field researcher, it somehow felt like stepping into a new space. I saw the place and the people with a different perspective. I enjoyed converting my field notes into an essay – that marketplace was no longer a dull routine of everyday life; it became a space that held insightful observations and interesting experiences.

References:

Glesne, C. (2005). Being there: Developing understanding through participant observation. Becoming qualitative researchers: An introduction (pp. 63-80). Pearson.

Tedlock, B. (1991). From participant observation to the observation of participation: The emergence of narrative ethnography. Journal of Anthropological Research, 47(1), 69-94.

***

Apeksha Srivastava is pursuing her PhD from the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Gandhinagar. This article is part of the assignment she has submitted for the course Research Methods in Humanities and Social Sciences in IIT Gandhinagar.

By Jitu

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